the eve of the independence Bennabi writes in Cairo where he lives since 1956 an extremely reckless text in which he attacks the GPRA and staff of the army of the borders that are vying for power. It is dated February 11, 1962. Because of its explosive contents it was not published until 2000, when the commander Lakhdar Bouragaâ published the entire contents in an annex to his “Memoirs” [1]. It was for the National Council of the Algerian Revolution (CNRA) to be convened in May 1962 in Tripoli (Libya) but the “Leader’s” who told the Bennabi (Ben Bella) preferred to keep it in his possession. That finding, it gives a copy to Dr. Ammar Talbi, a student in Cairo, loading to hand the Dr. Khaldi in Algiers for publication. It was expected from the meeting in the Libyan capital CNRA she prepares over from the French State by Algeria and debated it two main items on the agenda: a draft program and the appointment of a Politburo. The “Tripoli Charter”, which provides for the establishment of a single party and the socialist option, is passed unanimously. On the second point, concerning the power structure to build, Ben Bella and Khider propose replacing the GPRA by a Political Bureau composed of themselves, Ait Ahmed Boudiaf, Bitat Ben Alla and Mohammedi Saïd . A witness debates, saad dahlab, wrote in his memoirs: “It was the spark that set fire to the powder. Passions are unleashed around this issue alone because it meant power.Ben Bella and Khider threw the mask. They did not want anyone from the old team “. [2] After ten days of discussions the members of the CNRA does not reach a compromise on power sharing. Boudiaf and Ait Ahmed refuse to ally with Ben Bella and Khider, which are supported by the military staff headed by Colonel Houari Boumediene. Benkhedda, president of the GPRA, left Tripoli and returned to Tunis.On June 30, the Provisional Government decided to remove and degrade members of the staff; July 1, the referendum is held across the country; 03, the troops of the frontier army return to Algeria; 06, Ferhat Abbas is against the removal of the EMG;11, Ben Bella returned to Algeria by Maghnia; 22, he proclaimed in Tlemcen training of the Political Bureau (the proposed list at least CNRA Aït Ahmed and Boudiaf); Ferhat Abbas supports and joins in Tlemcen. The GPRA is broken: five of its members are part of the Political Bureau (Ben Bella, Bitat, Boudiaf, Khider and Mohammedi), two have resigned and withdrew to Geneva (Ait Ahmed and Dahlab), two others remained in Tunis ( Boussouf and Bentobbal) while Krim Belkacem retired in Kabylie. August 02, an agreement was finally reached on the holding of elections for a Constituent Assembly. Boudiaf reinstate the BP; 03, members of BP are entering in Algiers; 21, the Ulama proclaim their support for Ben Bella, followed by the Algerian Communist Party; wilayas are divided between support for the GPRA and BP; clashes erupt; there are hundreds of deaths; September 20 held the election of the National Constituent Assembly; 27, Ben Bella form his government.In “Evidence of a million martyrs” Bennabi proclaims its willingness to say to the Algerian people what he knows about the Revolution and its leaders, “I may feel compelled by the obligation to testify more than others because I arrived in Cairo in 1956 with the intention of putting myself and my pen to the service of the Revolution. But fate put me in the position of witness for reasons I will reveal when the Algerian people will hold to account all those who were in Cairo during this period. Therefore, I am performing my duty to witness being aware of my responsibilities in fulfilling this duty. I feel that having more particularly when the Algerian people will be called upon to perform her latest and most serious revolutionary act, the act will either spend all results of its revolution, or expose it to destruction .. . it starts with surprise that the characters (which he names) who had been close to the colonial administration found themselves in the “Voice of Algeria” or in charge of the Revolutionary finances. He says the people must be informed about the behavior and responsibilities prior to the self-determination referendum: “The Algerian people must know the truth to avoid its political and social construction of rest after independence on land where the feet would sink into treason, stratagem and irresponsibility … “It offers the CNRA to convene in Algiers an” extraordinary Congress of the Algerian people “that would form committees to investigate a range of issues prior any election in the country. He lists these questions: 1) Circumstances was incorporated in April 1955 a “separate management from that of the Revolution based in the Aures” under the name Autonomous Zone in Algiers (ZAA). 2) Circumstances of the death of bin Boulaïd Abbas Laghrour, Zighoud Youcef Larbi Ben Mhidi, Colonel Amir, Colonel Mohamed El-Bahi Abdelhaï, Mostefa Lakehal … He sees the hand of “treason” and blames management which was proclaimed in 1955, when the French government was looking for “valid interlocutors” from the ranks of the NLA to negotiate with them.For him, even the hijacking that led to the arrest of the “five” in 1956 resulted from an act of treason. 3) Conduct of leaders from the Congress of Soummam face in building the “line Morrice” which was neither hindered nor delayed, but rather accompanied by a lull on the home front. He said the Congress of Soummam was followed by a decrease in the intensity of fighting and deliberate transfer of combat units to the east and west boundaries to “let blow” French forces and as a prelude to the opening negotiations. He believes that these units were transformed into parade units in the hands of “zaïms”. 4) Circumstances of the French army deserters have joined the NLA and the reasons for their appointment to sensitive functions within the NLA. 5) murder of Amira Allawa the seat of the GPRA in Cairo after he questioned the GPRA in some secret contacts with France. [3] 6) Attitude of members of the GPRA to Algerian students abroad. 7) Financial Management by the GPRA and their use in painting a comparative statement of expenditure in favor of the ALN and those devoted to the functioning of the GPRA, the remuneration paid to its members. [4] 8) Details of the CNRA constitution and its representativeness. 9) Initiative to engage Algeria in talks about the Grand Maghreb without consulting the people. In the accompanying letter of “Evidence of a million martyrs” which he sent to Ben Bella June 18, 1962, Bennabi request a meeting of a Congress “like 1936”, that is to say, bringing together the FLN-ALN, the Ulama, UDMA, PCA and even MNA Messali Hajj. Inadmissible idea for those who have the power in hand and have already adopted the principle of a single party. It appears from this that demand Bennabi planned for Algeria a democratic system based on political pluralism. Concluding his testimony, he says that we can not engage in elections, and the people know the truth about the Revolution: “The days of mourning and misery experienced by the Algerian people during the Revolution were, for “zaïms” the most beautiful of their days they were like the Arab oil sheiks in their palaces of the Arabian nights, “he wrote furiously. he regrets that no” alem “intellectual nor did uttered a single word to condemn such actions or inform the people. such outspokenness could do fear for his life because of the political mores of the time. If the letter was not known by the public necessarily limited in 2000, its contents are spent mostly in “Algerian Perspectives” (1964) and “The problem of ideas in the Muslim society.” So is Bennabi: he never was nor renounce its freedom of judgment and expression. The issues raised are, not surprisingly, extremely serious and clearly suggest that the Algerian Revolution has been “hijacked” a few months after its launch. He has never made ​​any secret of that conviction. Anyway public works Bennabi is in his unpublished writings and books that we find his true feelings and thoughts about events and people. May 18, 1959 at 22H, he began writing a new book with the title “Critical History of the Algerian Revolution.” In the preface of six pages we read: “The Algerian revolution was a put to the test of an entire people, the testing of all human values, all social categories. And this test showed the quality of the popular values ​​of Algeria but has exposed the flaws of amazing what can be called an “elite” that proved devoid of moral and intellectual qualities which are the prerogative an elite … the Algerian Revolution and the Algerian people: a sacred trust between sacrilegious or clumsy hands … the Algerian Revolution is the work of a people that has not elite: the historian will find all Popular virtues, but none of the qualities of an elite. ” The whole history of Algeria in the twentieth century is in this, as well as the explanation of the tragedy she experienced in the ninety years and degradation in which she lives today. A just under two years after the outbreak of the Revolution, Krim Belkacem, Larbi Ben M’hidi Abane Ramdane and agree to convene a Congress to give the Algerian Revolution organization, direction and program. It actually takes 20 August 1956 in Kabylia and lasts twenty days. The Congress draws up the balance sheet of the Revolution, decided to reorganize the NLA on conventional armed model, cutting the country in six wilayas, erected in Algiers Autonomous Zone, adopt a policy platform (written for the by Amar Ouzegane essential, a former head of the Algerian Communist Party) and designates a direction consists of an executive of 05 members (the Coordinating Committee and Execution- CEC) and political-legislative body of 34 members (the Board national Algerian Revolution, CNRA). the proclamation of the 1st of November 1954 had assigned aims of the Revolution “the restoration of the Algerian state sovereign, democratic and social in the framework of Islamic principles”. In the “Platform Soumam” discussed “a Algerian state as a democratic and social Republic and not the restoration of a monarchy or a theocracy gone by.” Two months after the Congress, the four main members of the outer Delegation (Ben Bella, Aït Ahmed Khider, Boudiaf) were arrested after hijacking their plane. Of the six “historic” that triggered the revolution Didouche Mourad Mustapha Benboulaïd and Larbi Ben M’hidi died; Boudiaf and Bitat are in prison; there are only Krim Belkacem and living in freedom. Abane Ramdane reproached foreign delegation not to feed the Maquis weapons and its members have managed to get to safety after “lit the fuse”. But he himself and other members of the CEC will not be long to leave the home front to take refuge outside after the arrest of Larbi Ben M’hidi in violation of the decisions of the Congress of Soummam who the supremacy of the interior to the exterior. Saadi Yacef, which denies any role in the CEC in the “Battle of Algiers” is outraged when he learns their decision to leave the national territory, “They have chosen to favor or because of the strike, taking their legs their neck and desert the battlefield … Less brilliant that when he arrived Soummam, the CEC was left hanging his head … the precedent set by the CEC will mean two major consequences: firstly, from that date thousands of Algerians fleeing the war, do not even try to justify their act from the inside of FLN … away from the Tunisian and Moroccan border, an attempt to train with the best of them that is called the “border army”; secondly, if a man in the recent history of our liberation war will lose its weight because of this thoughtless departure abroad is good that Abane Ramdane, Chief revolutionary government receiving almost -totalité prerogatives to conduct the war safely, is relegated to newspaper editor level “[5]. A member of the CEC, Benkhedda, forty years later recognize that the biggest mistake of the revolution was to transfer abroad his direction: “He formed a political and military bureaucracy cut off from inside and daily realities that opened the way to careerism, opportunism, nepotism and whose origin back to the output of the CEC in 1957, a fateful decision … it is this device forged outside who will take power in 1962 and confiscated the Revolution to his advantage. Much as the GPRA, the general staff sitting outside was an aberration. The NLA has been divided into two: that of the two borders and the inside, separated from the other by Morrice online [6]. ” When members of the external delegation of FLN in Cairo receive minutes and resolutions of the Congress of Soummam, they realize that they have been excluded from the revolution direction. They against-attacked by accusing the Congress of not being representative and having “undermined the Islamic nature of future political institutions” and rejecting its decisions. As for the composition of the CEC, they reject the appointment of Benkhedda and Dahlab, former “centralists”. The initiator of the Congress, Abane Ramdane, is severely criticized. We think he wants to take power and rule “historical” and heads outside. The meeting in Cairo in August 1957 CNRA cancels decisions of Soummam; a new CEC is appointed 9 members;Abane is marginalized: he was entrusted with the management of the newspaper “El Moudjahid”. On December 27, 1957, somewhere in Tetouan, Morocco, Ramdane Abane, caught in an ambush, was assassinated. Later, Ferhat Abbas will put the murder on behalf of “the hatred that illiterate vowed to those who could read and write. Jealousy and envy were the two diseases of the Algerian insurrection … During its history, the Maghreb has always decapitated society by removing its elites to start over. This is why it has stagnated never progress. “[7] Before being killed, Abane was tried in absentia, according to the testimony of Krim Belkacem.The charge against him was of engaging in a divisive work and conspiring with a commander of the NLA to overthrow the new CEC. [8] Abane were Marxists and secular ideas and did not hiding. It was difficult character, brittle, authoritarian, dismissive. That all those who have written about him confirm it. [9] The diplomat tells Khalfa Mameri by the very difficult retail menu relations Abane had most of the leaders, starting with the one who recruited PPP omar oussedik, who was appointed head of Algiers, Krim Belkacem (he once publicly called a “aghioul” (donkey)), members of the delegation outside (especially Ben Bella he accused of being a “traitor”) and colonels of the Revolution (Boussouf, Boumediene Bentobbal, Amir, happened to him to call “rogue”). He thought he was the most qualified to lead the Revolution, which sparked among other contenders a terrible distrust of him. Mameri does not hesitate to dwell on the gray areas of his life that have just served to fuel the terrible accusation which weighed on him. [10] Saad dahlab who was very close to Abane and to whom he owed ​​his political rise writes. “He put us often fait accompli … Nothing more irritated Krim and Ben M’hidi than seeing” play head ” It a few years ago, the name of Malek Bennabi was involved in a book on Abane Ramdane a quarrel in which he has nothing to do, as he had nothing to do in the gallery adorning the book cover in question which appear Ahmed Ben Bella and Ali Kafi. If these figures were actually rivals and opponents of Abane, Bennabi, he has never met, only played him a position in the direction of the national liberation struggle and was interested in him that incidentally, as part of a thesis on the revolutionary process in history. It is not a man grows by lowering another and I would not fall into the trap that I denounce. This is two great figures of the twentieth century Algeria, one in the register of universal thought, the other in revolutionary action. Moreover Bennabi does not need anyone to be grown up, his work making it widely for him. I know since the early 1970s judgments Bennabi on the Algerian Revolution and its leaders since he came to speak in his seminars, home. Then in his twenties, I was shocked by what I was learning as must the post-independence generations who are shocked and traumatized by what they hear throughout the year about the history of their . revolution, tainted by the hand of treason charges and other assassinations and having mobile seizing power in writing the work of Bennabi is ample; abundant in this production, one paragraph of four or five lines according to the book format was spent Abane Ramdane (along with George Habash) to illustrate an argument on the Algerian and Palestinian revolutionary process. This paragraph is in his book “The ideas of the problem in Muslim society” appeared for the first time in Arabic in Cairo in 1970. It was at my initiative and with a preface by me that he came out for the first time in French in 1991. and it does not include the paragraph speaks of Bennabi Abane Ramdane and George Habash because I took on me, without consulting anyone, to “censor” this passage. Why ?Because I felt that the leaders of the caliber of Abane Habash and could not be considered as lapidary and because it was obvious to me that this withdrawal does not harm his thinking. What has been said in Bennabi his “Memoirs” or unpublished Abane Ramdane, Larbi Tbessi, Ferhat Abbas, Moufdi Zakaria, Lamine Debaghine and many others is nothing compared to the value and scope of his work. He’s right or wrong, that his assessments about men without merit, confirmed or refuted, are another matter. It is up to history to judge each other through the evidence, the investigations of historians and archives which, sooner or later, will be opened to researchers. The field of thought is one thing, the quarrels of the author and the social and political environment to another. Bennabi had certainly with the leaders of the National Movement and later with leaders of the Revolution, but these differences do not add or subtracted anything to his thought and his work. This is not what history remembers him, that’s not what made ​​him famous in the world, it is not to his opinions on the Algerian Revolution and it is renowned it is not for her contribution in this area as hundreds of writings were devoted to him, and will become in the future. Larbi Tbessi has been imprisoned and died in the Revolution martyr; Bashir al-Ibrahimi was locked in colonial jails, put under house arrest and exile; Abane Ramdane fled Algeria not to fall into the hands of the enemy but was eventually strangled by those of his brothers; Ferhat Abbas was imprisoned multiple times and silenced by independent Algeria … All these great figures have served their country according to their notion of things, with their means, their qualities and also their weaknesses. Human, Bennabi could be free of defects and had his own but they were outweighed by his righteousness and his genius.Bennabi did not take the gun and did not fire a single shot against the enemy.Abane either, any more than the overwhelming majority of those who led the Revolution and the country since independence. He took the pen from beginning to end of his life and for the glory of Algerian thinking he is the best known representative in the world, we know it or not, whether we admit it or not. I say “thought”, not literature. Independence was gained after seven years of war but exactly thirty years after another war between Algerians opened which lasted longer than the Revolution. This means that what has dedicated Bennabi was no less brave or critical that the revolutionary act to liberate the country. To conduct a physical, armed struggle, whose aim is the liberation of the country or the establishment of an “Islamic State”, there are always enough people. But centuries and millennia may pass without a people will give birth to a single thinker. In his Notebooks face that thought he said it was set in stone at the Viceroy’s palace pediment in Delhi: “Freedom does not descend to a people; a people must rise up to freedom. “It’s the other one believed in Algeria. It is these ideas that thought, this work should be taught and spread to educate citizens, provide them with accurate representations, make them aware of the prerequisites a civilization of work and, ultimately, immunize against quackery and nihilism. Taken by tasks called nation building, snapped up by supposedly progressive ideas, the Algerian State has despised and scorned the thought. Consequences: misconceptions defeated what was done under the country’s liberation or “nation building”. [1] “Shahid ala ightial ath-thawra” ( “Testimony about the murder of the Revolution”) Ed El-Umma, 2000. Algiers. [2] saad dahlab. “Mission accomplished,” Ed Dahlab, Algiers 1990. [3] Member of the representation of the FLN in Lebanon Allawa Amira is received at the seat of the GPRA in Cairo . Accused of making derogatory remarks against members of the GPRA, has an altercation with Ferhat Abbas that the slap. 48 hours later he was found dead near the seat of the GPRA. Egyptian police who opened an investigation discovered in his briefcase ( “between the pages of my book” The Afro-Asianism “Bennabi wrote in his diary), she confiscates documents.[4] Benkhedda published these accounts for period when he was both president of the Provisional Government and Minister of Finance: “from 24 September 1961 to 30 June 1962, the Provisional Government has provided to various departments of the FLN and ALN $ 12 billion. The distribution of this amount was made ​​in the following proportions: General Staff: 45.81% Ministry of armament and general links (MALG): 25% Ministry of Interior: 16% The wilayas: 7 30% Ministry of Foreign Affairs: 1.95% Ministry of information: 0.80% Chairman of the Provisional Government: 0.20% Regarding the famous “Treasury FLN” Benkhedda writes: “When the Politburo took GPRA’s estate in August 1962, the responsibility of Finance was held by the general secretary and treasurer of the FLN, Mohamed Khider, following an order given by myself to individual banks responsible for financial operations of the GPRA. Khider then disposed of the assets deposited in Swiss and other banks, valued at nearly six billion francs of which 4.7 in hard currency “(cf. Benyoucef Benkhedda:” Algeria’s independence: the 1962 crisis ” . Ed. Dahlab, Algiers 1997). Khider was murdered January 3, 1967 in Madrid. [5] See Saadi Yacef: “The Battle of Algiers”, T.3, Ed Casbah, Algiers 1997. [6] Cf. Benyoucef Benkhedda “Algeria independence: the 1962 crisis. ” [7] F.Abbas:” independence confiscated “, Ed Flammarion, Paris 1984. [8] Cf. Amar Hamdani:” Krim Belkacem, the lion djebels ” Ed Balland, 1973. Paris. [9] in particular: saad dahlab, Benyoucef Benkhedda, Ferhat Abbas and B.Stora Z.Daoud Amar Hamdani and Saadi Yacef. [10] Cf. “Abane Ramdane, a life for Algeria “Ed. K.Mameri, Algiers, 1996. He says the people must be informed about the behavior and responsibilities prior to the self-determination referendum: “The Algerian people must know the truth to avoid its political and social construction of rest after independence on land where the feet would sink into treason, stratagem and irresponsibility … “It offers the CNRA to convene in Algiers an” extraordinary Congress of the Algerian people “that would form committees to investigate a range of issues prior any election in the country. He lists these questions: 1) Circumstances was incorporated in April 1955 a “separate management from that of the Revolution based in the Aures” under the name Autonomous Zone in Algiers (ZAA). 2) Circumstances of the death of bin Boulaïd Abbas Laghrour, Zighoud Youcef Larbi Ben Mhidi, Colonel Amir, Colonel Mohamed El-Bahi Abdelhaï, Mostefa Lakehal … He sees the hand of “treason” and blames management which was proclaimed in 1955, when the French government was looking for “valid interlocutors” from the ranks of the NLA to negotiate with them. For him, even the hijacking that led to the arrest of the “five” in 1956 resulted from an act of treason.3) Conduct of leaders from the Congress of Soummam face in building the “line Morrice” which was neither hindered nor delayed, but rather accompanied by a lull on the home front. He said the Congress of Soummam was followed by a decrease in the intensity of fighting and deliberate transfer of combat units to the east and west boundaries to “let blow” French forces and as a prelude to the opening negotiations. He believes that these units were transformed into parade units in the hands of “zaïms”. 4) Circumstances of the French army deserters have joined the NLA and the reasons for their appointment to sensitive functions within the NLA. 5) murder of Amira Allawa the seat of the GPRA in Cairo after he questioned the GPRA in some secret contacts with France. [3] 6) Attitude of members of the GPRA to Algerian students abroad. 7) Financial Management by the GPRA and their use in painting a comparative statement of expenditure in favor of the ALN and those devoted to the functioning of the GPRA, the remuneration paid to its members. [4] 8) Details of the CNRA constitution and its representativeness. 9) Initiative to engage Algeria in talks about the Grand Maghreb without consulting the people. In the accompanying letter of “Evidence of a million martyrs” which he sent to Ben Bella June 18, 1962, Bennabi request a meeting of a Congress “like 1936”, that is to say, bringing together the FLN-ALN, the Ulama, UDMA, PCA and even MNA Messali Hajj. Inadmissible idea for those who have the power in hand and have already adopted the principle of a single party. It appears from this that demand Bennabi planned for Algeria a democratic system based on political pluralism. Concluding his testimony, he says that we can not engage in elections, and the people know the truth about the Revolution: “The days of mourning and misery experienced by the Algerian people during the Revolution were, for “zaïms” the most beautiful of their days they were like the Arab oil sheiks in their palaces of the Arabian nights, “he wrote furiously. he regrets that no” alem “intellectual nor did uttered a single word to condemn such actions or inform the people. such outspokenness could do fear for his life because of the political mores of the time. If the letter was not known by the public necessarily limited in 2000, its contents are spent mostly in “Algerian Perspectives” (1964) and “The problem of ideas in the Muslim society.” So is Bennabi: he never was nor renounce its freedom of judgment and expression. The issues raised are, not surprisingly, extremely serious and clearly suggest that the Algerian Revolution has been “hijacked” a few months after its launch. He has never made ​​any secret of that conviction. Anyway public works Bennabi is in his unpublished writings and books that we find his true feelings and thoughts about events and people. May 18, 1959 at 22H, he began writing a new book with the title “Critical History of the Algerian Revolution.” In the preface of six pages we read: “The Algerian revolution was a put to the test of an entire people, the testing of all human values, all social categories. And this test showed the quality of the popular values ​​of Algeria but has exposed the flaws of amazing what can be called an “elite” that proved devoid of moral and intellectual qualities which are the prerogative an elite … the Algerian Revolution and the Algerian people: a sacred trust between sacrilegious or clumsy hands … the Algerian Revolution is the work of a people that has not elite: the historian will find all Popular virtues, but none of the qualities of an elite. ” The whole history of Algeria in the twentieth century is in this, as well as the explanation of the tragedy she experienced in the ninety years and degradation in which she lives today. A just under two years after the outbreak of the Revolution, Krim Belkacem, Larbi Ben M’hidi Abane Ramdane and agree to convene a Congress to give the Algerian Revolution organization, direction and program. It actually takes 20 August 1956 in Kabylia and lasts twenty days. The Congress draws up the balance sheet of the Revolution, decided to reorganize the NLA on conventional armed model, cutting the country in six wilayas, erected in Algiers Autonomous Zone, adopt a policy platform (written for the by Amar Ouzegane essential, a former head of the Algerian Communist Party) and designates a direction consists of an executive of 05 members (the Coordinating Committee and Execution- CEC) and political-legislative body of 34 members (the Board national Algerian Revolution, CNRA).the proclamation of the 1st of November 1954 had assigned aims of the Revolution “the restoration of the Algerian state sovereign, democratic and social in the framework of Islamic principles”. In the “Platform Soumam” discussed “a Algerian state as a democratic and social Republic and not the restoration of a monarchy or a theocracy gone by.” Two months after the Congress, the four main members of the outer Delegation (Ben Bella, Aït Ahmed Khider, Boudiaf) were arrested after hijacking their plane. Of the six “historic” that triggered the revolution Didouche Mourad Mustapha Benboulaïd and Larbi Ben M’hidi died; Boudiaf and Bitat are in prison; there are only Krim Belkacem and living in freedom. Abane Ramdane reproached foreign delegation not to feed the Maquis weapons and its members have managed to get to safety after “lit the fuse”. But he himself and other members of the CEC will not be long to leave the home front to take refuge outside after the arrest of Larbi Ben M’hidi in violation of the decisions of the Congress of Soummam who the supremacy of the interior to the exterior. Saadi Yacef, which denies any role in the CEC in the “Battle of Algiers” is outraged when he learns their decision to leave the national territory, “They have chosen to favor or because of the strike, taking their legs their neck and desert the battlefield … Less brilliant that when he arrived Soummam, the CEC was left hanging his head … the precedent set by the CEC will mean two major consequences: firstly, from that date thousands of Algerians fleeing the war, do not even try to justify their act from the inside of FLN … away from the Tunisian and Moroccan border, an attempt to train with the best of them that is called the “border army”; secondly, if a man in the recent history of our liberation war will lose its weight because of this thoughtless departure abroad is good that Abane Ramdane, Chief revolutionary government receiving almost -totalité prerogatives to conduct the war safely, is relegated to newspaper editor level “[5]. A member of the CEC, Benkhedda, forty years later recognize that the biggest mistake of the revolution was to transfer abroad his direction: “He formed a political and military bureaucracy cut off from inside and daily realities that opened the way to careerism, opportunism, nepotism and whose origin back to the output of the CEC in 1957, a fateful decision … it is this device forged outside who will take power in 1962 and confiscated the Revolution to his advantage. Much as the GPRA, the general staff sitting outside was an aberration.The NLA has been divided into two: that of the two borders and the inside, separated from the other by Morrice online [6]. ” When members of the external delegation of FLN in Cairo receive minutes and resolutions of the Congress of Soummam, they realize that they have been excluded from the revolution direction.They against-attacked by accusing the Congress of not being representative and having “undermined the Islamic nature of future political institutions” and rejecting its decisions. As for the composition of the CEC, they reject the appointment of Benkhedda and Dahlab, former “centralists”. The initiator of the Congress, Abane Ramdane, is severely criticized. We think he wants to take power and rule “historical” and heads outside. The meeting in Cairo in August 1957 CNRA cancels decisions of Soummam; a new CEC is appointed 9 members; Abane is marginalized: he was entrusted with the management of the newspaper “El Moudjahid”. On December 27, 1957, somewhere in Tetouan, Morocco, Ramdane Abane, caught in an ambush, was assassinated. Later, Ferhat Abbas will put the murder on behalf of “the hatred that illiterate vowed to those who could read and write. Jealousy and envy were the two diseases of the Algerian insurrection … During its history, the Maghreb has always decapitated society by removing its elites to start over. This is why it has stagnated never progress. “[7] Before being killed, Abane was tried in absentia, according to the testimony of Krim Belkacem.The charge against him was of engaging in a divisive work and conspiring with a commander of the NLA to overthrow the new CEC. [8] Abane were Marxists and secular ideas and did not hiding. It was difficult character, brittle, authoritarian, dismissive. That all those who have written about him confirm it. [9] The diplomat tells Khalfa Mameri by the very difficult retail menu relations Abane had most of the leaders, starting with the one who recruited PPP omar oussedik, who was appointed head of Algiers, Krim Belkacem (he once publicly called a “aghioul” (donkey)), members of the delegation outside (especially Ben Bella he accused of being a “traitor”) and colonels of the Revolution (Boussouf, Boumediene Bentobbal, Amir, happened to him to call “rogue”). He thought he was the most qualified to lead the Revolution, which sparked among other contenders a terrible distrust of him. Mameri does not hesitate to dwell on the gray areas of his life that have just served to fuel the terrible accusation which weighed on him. [10] Saad dahlab who was very close to Abane and to whom he owed ​​his political rise writes. “He put us often fait accompli … Nothing more irritated Krim and Ben M’hidi than seeing” play head ” It a few years ago, the name of Malek Bennabi was involved in a book on Abane Ramdane a quarrel in which he has nothing to do, as he had nothing to do in the gallery adorning the book cover in question which appear Ahmed Ben Bella and Ali Kafi. If these figures were actually rivals and opponents of Abane, Bennabi, he has never met, only played him a position in the direction of the national liberation struggle and was interested in him that incidentally, as part of a thesis on the revolutionary process in history. It is not a man grows by lowering another and I would not fall into the trap that I denounce. This is two great figures of the twentieth century Algeria, one in the register of universal thought, the other in revolutionary action. Moreover Bennabi does not need anyone to be grown up, his work making it widely for him. I know since the early 1970s judgments Bennabi on the Algerian Revolution and its leaders since he came to speak in his seminars, home. Then in his twenties, I was shocked by what I was learning as must the post-independence generations who are shocked and traumatized by what they hear throughout the year about the history of their . revolution, tainted by the hand of treason charges and other assassinations and having mobile seizing power in writing the work of Bennabi is ample; abundant in this production, one paragraph of four or five lines according to the book format was spent Abane Ramdane (along with George Habash) to illustrate an argument on the Algerian and Palestinian revolutionary process. This paragraph is in his book “The ideas of the problem in Muslim society” appeared for the first time in Arabic in Cairo in 1970. It was at my initiative and with a preface by me that he came out for the first time in French in 1991. and it does not include the paragraph speaks of Bennabi Abane Ramdane and George Habash because I took on me, without consulting anyone, to “censor” this passage. Why ?Because I felt that the leaders of the caliber of Abane Habash and could not be considered as lapidary and because it was obvious to me that this withdrawal does not harm his thinking. What has been said in Bennabi his “Memoirs” or unpublished Abane Ramdane, Larbi Tbessi, Ferhat Abbas, Moufdi Zakaria, Lamine Debaghine and many others is nothing compared to the value and scope of his work. He’s right or wrong, that his assessments about men without merit, confirmed or refuted, are another matter. It is up to history to judge each other through the evidence, the investigations of historians and archives which, sooner or later, will be opened to researchers. The field of thought is one thing, the quarrels of the author and the social and political environment to another. Bennabi had certainly with the leaders of the National Movement and later with leaders of the Revolution, but these differences do not add or subtracted anything to his thought and his work. This is not what history remembers him, that’s not what made ​​him famous in the world, it is not to his opinions on the Algerian Revolution and it is renowned it is not for her contribution in this area as hundreds of writings were devoted to him, and will become in the future. Larbi Tbessi has been imprisoned and died in the Revolution martyr; Bashir al-Ibrahimi was locked in colonial jails, put under house arrest and exile; Abane Ramdane fled Algeria not to fall into the hands of the enemy but was eventually strangled by those of his brothers; Ferhat Abbas was imprisoned multiple times and silenced by independent Algeria … All these great figures have served their country according to their notion of things, with their means, their qualities and also their weaknesses. Human, Bennabi could be free of defects and had his own but they were outweighed by his righteousness and his genius.Bennabi did not take the gun and did not fire a single shot against the enemy.Abane either, any more than the overwhelming majority of those who led the Revolution and the country since independence. He took the pen from beginning to end of his life and for the glory of Algerian thinking he is the best known representative in the world, we know it or not, whether we admit it or not. I say “thought”, not literature. Independence was gained after seven years of war but exactly thirty years after another war between Algerians opened which lasted longer than the Revolution. This means that what has dedicated Bennabi was no less brave or critical that the revolutionary act to liberate the country. To conduct a physical, armed struggle, whose aim is the liberation of the country or the establishment of an “Islamic State”, there are always enough people. But centuries and millennia may pass without a people will give birth to a single thinker. In his Notebooks face that thought he said it was set in stone at the Viceroy’s palace pediment in Delhi: “Freedom does not descend to a people; a people must rise up to freedom. “It’s the other one believed in Algeria. It is these ideas that thought, this work should be taught and spread to educate citizens, provide them with accurate representations, make them aware of the prerequisites a civilization of work and, ultimately, immunize against quackery and nihilism. Taken by tasks called nation building, snapped up by supposedly progressive ideas, the Algerian State has despised and scorned the thought. Consequences: misconceptions defeated what was done under the country’s liberation or “nation building”. [1] “Shahid ala ightial ath-thawra” ( “Testimony about the murder of the Revolution”) Ed El-Umma, 2000. Algiers. [2] saad dahlab. “Mission accomplished,” Ed Dahlab, Algiers 1990. [3] Member of the representation of the FLN in Lebanon Allawa Amira is received at the seat of the GPRA in Cairo . Accused of making derogatory remarks against members of the GPRA, has an altercation with Ferhat Abbas that the slap. 48 hours later he was found dead near the seat of the GPRA. Egyptian police who opened an investigation discovered in his briefcase ( “between the pages of my book” The Afro-Asianism “Bennabi wrote in his diary), she confiscates documents.[4] Benkhedda published these accounts for period when he was both president of the Provisional Government and Minister of Finance: “from 24 September 1961 to 30 June 1962, the Provisional Government has provided to various departments of the FLN and ALN $ 12 billion. The distribution of this amount was made ​​in the following proportions: General Staff: 45.81% Ministry of armament and general links (MALG): 25% Ministry of Interior: 16% The wilayas: 7 30% Ministry of Foreign Affairs: 1.95% Ministry of information: 0.80% Chairman of the Provisional Government: 0.20% Regarding the famous “Treasury FLN” Benkhedda writes: “When the Politburo took GPRA’s estate in August 1962, the responsibility of Finance was held by the general secretary and treasurer of the FLN, Mohamed Khider, following an order given by myself to individual banks responsible for financial operations of the GPRA. Khider then disposed of the assets deposited in Swiss and other banks, valued at nearly six billion francs of which 4.7 in hard currency “(cf. Benyoucef Benkhedda:” Algeria’s independence: the 1962 crisis ” . Ed. Dahlab, Algiers 1997). Khider was murdered January 3, 1967 in Madrid. [5] See Saadi Yacef: “The Battle of Algiers”, T.3, Ed Casbah, Algiers 1997. [6] Cf. Benyoucef Benkhedda “Algeria independence: the 1962 crisis. ” [7] F.Abbas:” independence confiscated “, Ed Flammarion, Paris 1984. [8] Cf. Amar Hamdani:” Krim Belkacem, the lion djebels ” Ed Balland, 1973. Paris. [9] in particular: saad dahlab, Benyoucef Benkhedda, Ferhat Abbas and B.Stora Z.Daoud Amar Hamdani and Saadi Yacef. [10] Cf. “Abane Ramdane, a life for Algeria “Ed. K.Mameri, Algiers, 1996. He says the people must be informed about the behavior and responsibilities prior to the self-determination referendum: “The Algerian people must know the truth to avoid its political and social construction of rest after independence on land where the feet would sink into treason, stratagem and irresponsibility … “It offers the CNRA to convene in Algiers an” extraordinary Congress of the Algerian people “that would form committees to investigate a range of issues prior any election in the country. He lists these questions: 1) Circumstances was incorporated in April 1955 a “separate management from that of the Revolution based in the Aures” under the name Autonomous Zone in Algiers (ZAA). 2) Circumstances of the death of bin Boulaïd Abbas Laghrour, Zighoud Youcef Larbi Ben Mhidi, Colonel Amir, Colonel Mohamed El-Bahi Abdelhaï, Mostefa Lakehal … He sees the hand of “treason” and blames management which was proclaimed in 1955, when the French government was looking for “valid interlocutors” from the ranks of the NLA to negotiate with them. For him, even the hijacking that led to the arrest of the “five” in 1956 resulted from an act of treason.3) Conduct of leaders from the Congress of Soummam face in building the “line Morrice” which was neither hindered nor delayed, but rather accompanied by a lull on the home front. He said the Congress of Soummam was followed by a decrease in the intensity of fighting and deliberate transfer of combat units to the east and west boundaries to “let blow” French forces and as a prelude to the opening negotiations. He believes that these units were transformed into parade units in the hands of “zaïms”. 4) Circumstances of the French army deserters have joined the NLA and the reasons for their appointment to sensitive functions within the NLA. 5) murder of Amira Allawa the seat of the GPRA in Cairo after he questioned the GPRA in some secret contacts with France. [3] 6) Attitude of members of the GPRA to Algerian students abroad. 7) Financial Management by the GPRA and their use in painting a comparative statement of expenditure in favor of the ALN and those devoted to the functioning of the GPRA, the remuneration paid to its members. [4] 8) Details of the CNRA constitution and its representativeness. 9) Initiative to engage Algeria in talks about the Grand Maghreb without consulting the people. In the accompanying letter of “Evidence of a million martyrs” which he sent to Ben Bella June 18, 1962, Bennabi request a meeting of a Congress “like 1936”, that is to say, bringing together the FLN-ALN, the Ulama, UDMA, PCA and even MNA Messali Hajj. Inadmissible idea for those who have the power in hand and have already adopted the principle of a single party. It appears from this that demand Bennabi planned for Algeria a democratic system based on political pluralism. Concluding his testimony, he says that we can not engage in elections, and the people know the truth about the Revolution: “The days of mourning and misery experienced by the Algerian people during the Revolution were, for “zaïms” the most beautiful of their days they were like the Arab oil sheiks in their palaces of the Arabian nights, “he wrote furiously. he regrets that no” alem “intellectual nor did uttered a single word to condemn such actions or inform the people. such outspokenness could do fear for his life because of the political mores of the time. If the letter was not known by the public necessarily limited in 2000, its contents are spent mostly in “Algerian Perspectives” (1964) and “The problem of ideas in the Muslim society.” So is Bennabi: he never was nor renounce its freedom of judgment and expression. The issues raised are, not surprisingly, extremely serious and clearly suggest that the Algerian Revolution has been “hijacked” a few months after its launch. He has never made ​​any secret of that conviction. Anyway public works Bennabi is in his unpublished writings and books that we find his true feelings and thoughts about events and people. May 18, 1959 at 22H, he began writing a new book with the title “Critical History of the Algerian Revolution.” In the preface of six pages we read: “The Algerian revolution was a put to the test of an entire people, the testing of all human values, all social categories. And this test showed the quality of the popular values ​​of Algeria but has exposed the flaws of amazing what can be called an “elite” that proved devoid of moral and intellectual qualities which are the prerogative an elite … the Algerian Revolution and the Algerian people: a sacred trust between sacrilegious or clumsy hands … the Algerian Revolution is the work of a people that has not elite: the historian will find all Popular virtues, but none of the qualities of an elite. ” The whole history of Algeria in the twentieth century is in this, as well as the explanation of the tragedy she experienced in the ninety years and degradation in which she lives today. A just under two years after the outbreak of the Revolution, Krim Belkacem, Larbi Ben M’hidi Abane Ramdane and agree to convene a Congress to give the Algerian Revolution organization, direction and program. It actually takes 20 August 1956 in Kabylia and lasts twenty days. The Congress draws up the balance sheet of the Revolution, decided to reorganize the NLA on conventional armed model, cutting the country in six wilayas, erected in Algiers Autonomous Zone, adopt a policy platform (written for the by Amar Ouzegane essential, a former head of the Algerian Communist Party) and designates a direction consists of an executive of 05 members (the Coordinating Committee and Execution- CEC) and political-legislative body of 34 members (the Board national Algerian Revolution, CNRA).the proclamation of the 1st of November 1954 had assigned aims of the Revolution “the restoration of the Algerian state sovereign, democratic and social in the framework of Islamic principles”. In the “Platform Soumam” discussed “a Algerian state as a democratic and social Republic and not the restoration of a monarchy or a theocracy gone by.” Two months after the Congress, the four main members of the outer Delegation (Ben Bella, Aït Ahmed Khider, Boudiaf) were arrested after hijacking their plane. Of the six “historic” that triggered the revolution Didouche Mourad Mustapha Benboulaïd and Larbi Ben M’hidi died; Boudiaf and Bitat are in prison; there are only Krim Belkacem and living in freedom. Abane Ramdane reproached foreign delegation not to feed the Maquis weapons and its members have managed to get to safety after “lit the fuse”. But he himself and other members of the CEC will not be long to leave the home front to take refuge outside after the arrest of Larbi Ben M’hidi in violation of the decisions of the Congress of Soummam who the supremacy of the interior to the exterior. Saadi Yacef, which denies any role in the CEC in the “Battle of Algiers” is outraged when he learns their decision to leave the national territory, “They have chosen to favor or because of the strike, taking their legs their neck and desert the battlefield … Less brilliant that when he arrived Soummam, the CEC was left hanging his head … the precedent set by the CEC will mean two major consequences: firstly, from that date thousands of Algerians fleeing the war, do not even try to justify their act from the inside of FLN … away from the Tunisian and Moroccan border, an attempt to train with the best of them that is called the “border army”; secondly, if a man in the recent history of our liberation war will lose its weight because of this thoughtless departure abroad is good that Abane Ramdane, Chief revolutionary government receiving almost -totalité prerogatives to conduct the war safely, is relegated to newspaper editor level “[5]. A member of the CEC, Benkhedda, forty years later recognize that the biggest mistake of the revolution was to transfer abroad his direction: “He formed a political and military bureaucracy cut off from inside and daily realities that opened the way to careerism, opportunism, nepotism and whose origin back to the output of the CEC in 1957, a fateful decision … it is this device forged outside who will take power in 1962 and confiscated the Revolution to his advantage. Much as the GPRA, the general staff sitting outside was an aberration.The NLA has been divided into two: that of the two borders and the inside, separated from the other by Morrice online [6]. ” When members of the external delegation of FLN in Cairo receive minutes and resolutions of the Congress of Soummam, they realize that they have been excluded from the revolution direction.They against-attacked by accusing the Congress of not being representative and having “undermined the Islamic nature of future political institutions” and rejecting its decisions. As for the composition of the CEC, they reject the appointment of Benkhedda and Dahlab, former “centralists”. The initiator of the Congress, Abane Ramdane, is severely criticized. We think he wants to take power and rule “historical” and heads outside. The meeting in Cairo in August 1957 CNRA cancels decisions of Soummam; a new CEC is appointed 9 members; Abane is marginalized: he was entrusted with the management of the newspaper “El Moudjahid”. On December 27, 1957, somewhere in Tetouan, Morocco, Ramdane Abane, caught in an ambush, was assassinated. Later, Ferhat Abbas will put the murder on behalf of “the hatred that illiterate vowed to those who could read and write. Jealousy and envy were the two diseases of the Algerian insurrection … During its history, the Maghreb has always decapitated society by removing its elites to start over. This is why it has stagnated never progress. “[7] Before being killed, Abane was tried in absentia, according to the testimony of Krim Belkacem.The charge against him was of engaging in a divisive work and conspiring with a commander of the NLA to overthrow the new CEC. [8] Abane were Marxists and secular ideas and did not hiding. It was difficult character, brittle, authoritarian, dismissive. That all those who have written about him confirm it. [9] The diplomat tells Khalfa Mameri by the very difficult retail menu relations Abane had most of the leaders, starting with the one who recruited PPP omar oussedik, who was appointed head of Algiers, Krim Belkacem (he once publicly called a “aghioul” (donkey)), members of the delegation outside (especially Ben Bella he accused of being a “traitor”) and colonels of the Revolution (Boussouf, Boumediene Bentobbal, Amir, happened to him to call “rogue”). He thought he was the most qualified to lead the Revolution, which sparked among other contenders a terrible distrust of him. Mameri does not hesitate to dwell on the gray areas of his life that have just served to fuel the terrible accusation which weighed on him. [10] Saad dahlab who was very close to Abane and to whom he owed ​​his political rise writes. “He put us often fait accompli … Nothing more irritated Krim and Ben M’hidi than seeing” play head ” It a few years ago, the name of Malek Bennabi was involved in a book on Abane Ramdane a quarrel in which he has nothing to do, as he had nothing to do in the gallery adorning the book cover in question which appear Ahmed Ben Bella and Ali Kafi. If these figures were actually rivals and opponents of Abane, Bennabi, he has never met, only played him a position in the direction of the national liberation struggle and was interested in him that incidentally, as part of a thesis on the revolutionary process in history. It is not a man grows by lowering another and I would not fall into the trap that I denounce. This is two great figures of the twentieth century Algeria, one in the register of universal thought, the other in revolutionary action. Moreover Bennabi does not need anyone to be grown up, his work making it widely for him. I know since the early 1970s judgments Bennabi on the Algerian Revolution and its leaders since he came to speak in his seminars, home. Then in his twenties, I was shocked by what I was learning as must the post-independence generations who are shocked and traumatized by what they hear throughout the year about the history of their . revolution, tainted by the hand of treason charges and other assassinations and having mobile seizing power in writing the work of Bennabi is ample; abundant in this production, one paragraph of four or five lines according to the book format was spent Abane Ramdane (along with George Habash) to illustrate an argument on the Algerian and Palestinian revolutionary process. This paragraph is in his book “The ideas of the problem in Muslim society” appeared for the first time in Arabic in Cairo in 1970. It was at my initiative and with a preface by me that he came out for the first time in French in 1991. and it does not include the paragraph speaks of Bennabi Abane Ramdane and George Habash because I took on me, without consulting anyone, to “censor” this passage. Why ?Because I felt that the leaders of the caliber of Abane Habash and could not be considered as lapidary and because it was obvious to me that this withdrawal does not harm his thinking. What has been said in Bennabi his “Memoirs” or unpublished Abane Ramdane, Larbi Tbessi, Ferhat Abbas, Moufdi Zakaria, Lamine Debaghine and many others is nothing compared to the value and scope of his work. He’s right or wrong, that his assessments about men without merit, confirmed or refuted, are another matter. It is up to history to judge each other through the evidence, the investigations of historians and archives which, sooner or later, will be opened to researchers. The field of thought is one thing, the quarrels of the author and the social and political environment to another. Bennabi had certainly with the leaders of the National Movement and later with leaders of the Revolution, but these differences do not add or subtracted anything to his thought and his work. This is not what history remembers him, that’s not what made ​​him famous in the world, it is not to his opinions on the Algerian Revolution and it is renowned it is not for her contribution in this area as hundreds of writings were devoted to him, and will become in the future. Larbi Tbessi has been imprisoned and died in the Revolution martyr; Bashir al-Ibrahimi was locked in colonial jails, put under house arrest and exile; Abane Ramdane fled Algeria not to fall into the hands of the enemy but was eventually strangled by those of his brothers; Ferhat Abbas was imprisoned multiple times and silenced by independent Algeria … All these great figures have served their country according to their notion of things, with their means, their qualities and also their weaknesses. Human, Bennabi could be free of defects and had his own but they were outweighed by his righteousness and his genius.Bennabi did not take the gun and did not fire a single shot against the enemy.Abane either, any more than the overwhelming majority of those who led the Revolution and the country since independence. He took the pen from beginning to end of his life and for the glory of Algerian thinking he is the best known representative in the world, we know it or not, whether we admit it or not. I say “thought”, not literature. Independence was gained after seven years of war but exactly thirty years after another war between Algerians opened which lasted longer than the Revolution. This means that what has dedicated Bennabi was no less brave or critical that the revolutionary act to liberate the country. To conduct a physical, armed struggle, whose aim is the liberation of the country or the establishment of an “Islamic State”, there are always enough people. But centuries and millennia may pass without a people will give birth to a single thinker. In his Notebooks face that thought he said it was set in stone at the Viceroy’s palace pediment in Delhi: “Freedom does not descend to a people; a people must rise up to freedom. “It’s the other one believed in Algeria. It is these ideas that thought, this work should be taught and spread to educate citizens, provide them with accurate representations, make them aware of the prerequisites a civilization of work and, ultimately, immunize against quackery and nihilism. Taken by tasks called nation building, snapped up by supposedly progressive ideas, the Algerian State has despised and scorned the thought. Consequences: misconceptions defeated what was done under the country’s liberation or “nation building”. [1] “Shahid ala ightial ath-thawra” ( “Testimony about the murder of the Revolution”) Ed El-Umma, 2000. Algiers. [2] saad dahlab. “Mission accomplished,” Ed Dahlab, Algiers 1990. [3] Member of the representation of the FLN in Lebanon Allawa Amira is received at the seat of the GPRA in Cairo . Accused of making derogatory remarks against members of the GPRA, has an altercation with Ferhat Abbas that the slap. 48 hours later he was found dead near the seat of the GPRA. Egyptian police who opened an investigation discovered in his briefcase ( “between the pages of my book” The Afro-Asianism “Bennabi wrote in his diary), she confiscates documents.[4] Benkhedda published these accounts for period when he was both president of the Provisional Government and Minister of Finance: “from 24 September 1961 to 30 June 1962, the Provisional Government has provided to various departments of the FLN and ALN $ 12 billion. The distribution of this amount was made ​​in the following proportions: General Staff: 45.81% Ministry of armament and general links (MALG): 25% Ministry of Interior: 16% The wilayas: 7 30% Ministry of Foreign Affairs: 1.95% Ministry of information: 0.80% Chairman of the Provisional Government: 0.20% Regarding the famous “Treasury FLN” Benkhedda writes: “When the Politburo took GPRA’s estate in August 1962, the responsibility of Finance was held by the general secretary and treasurer of the FLN, Mohamed Khider, following an order given by myself to individual banks responsible for financial operations of the GPRA. Khider then disposed of the assets deposited in Swiss and other banks, valued at nearly six billion francs of which 4.7 in hard currency “(cf. Benyoucef Benkhedda:” Algeria’s independence: the 1962 crisis ” . Ed. Dahlab, Algiers 1997). Khider was murdered January 3, 1967 in Madrid. [5] See Saadi Yacef: “The Battle of Algiers”, T.3, Ed Casbah, Algiers 1997. [6] Cf. Benyoucef Benkhedda “Algeria independence: the 1962 crisis. ” [7] F.Abbas:” independence confiscated “, Ed Flammarion, Paris 1984. [8] Cf. Amar Hamdani:” Krim Belkacem, the lion djebels ” Ed Balland, 1973. Paris. [9] in particular: saad dahlab, Benyoucef Benkhedda, Ferhat Abbas and B.Stora Z.Daoud Amar Hamdani and Saadi Yacef. [10] Cf. “Abane Ramdane, a life for Algeria “Ed. K.Mameri, Algiers, 1996. “It formed a political and military bureaucracy cut off from inside and daily realities that opened the way to careerism, opportunism, nepotism and which dates back to the output of CEC 1957 a fateful decision … it is this device forged outside who will take power in 1962 and confiscated the Revolution to his advantage. Much as the GPRA, the general staff sitting outside was an aberration.The NLA has been divided into two: that of the two borders and the inside, separated from the other by Morrice online [6]. ” When members of the external delegation of FLN in Cairo receive minutes and resolutions of the Congress of Soummam, they realize that they have been excluded from the revolution direction.They against-attacked by accusing the Congress of not being representative and having “undermined the Islamic nature of future political institutions” and rejecting its decisions. As for the composition of the CEC, they reject the appointment of Benkhedda and Dahlab, former “centralists”. The initiator of the Congress, Abane Ramdane, is severely criticized. We think he wants to take power and rule “historical” and heads outside. The meeting in Cairo in August 1957 CNRA cancels decisions of Soummam; a new CEC is appointed 9 members; Abane is marginalized: he was entrusted with the management of the newspaper “El Moudjahid”. On December 27, 1957, somewhere in Tetouan, Morocco, Ramdane Abane, caught in an ambush, was assassinated. Later, Ferhat Abbas will put the murder on behalf of “the hatred that illiterate vowed to those who could read and write. Jealousy and envy were the two diseases of the Algerian insurrection … During its history, the Maghreb has always decapitated society by removing its elites to start over. This is why it has stagnated never progress. “[7] Before being killed, Abane was tried in absentia, according to the testimony of Krim Belkacem.The charge against him was of engaging in a divisive work and conspiring with a commander of the NLA to overthrow the new CEC. [8] Abane were Marxists and secular ideas and did not hiding. It was difficult character, brittle, authoritarian, dismissive. That all those who have written about him confirm it. [9] The diplomat tells Khalfa Mameri by the very difficult retail menu relations Abane had most of the leaders, starting with the one who recruited PPP omar oussedik, who was appointed head of Algiers, Krim Belkacem (he once publicly called a “aghioul” (donkey)), members of the delegation outside (especially Ben Bella he accused of being a “traitor”) and colonels of the Revolution (Boussouf, Boumediene Bentobbal, Amir, happened to him to call “rogue”). He thought he was the most qualified to lead the Revolution, which sparked among other contenders a terrible distrust of him. Mameri does not hesitate to dwell on the gray areas of his life that have just served to fuel the terrible accusation which weighed on him. [10] Saad dahlab who was very close to Abane and to whom he owed ​​his political rise writes. “He put us often fait accompli … Nothing more irritated Krim and Ben M’hidi than seeing” play head ” It a few years ago, the name of Malek Bennabi was involved in a book on Abane Ramdane a quarrel in which he has nothing to do, as he had nothing to do in the gallery adorning the book cover in question which appear Ahmed Ben Bella and Ali Kafi. If these figures were actually rivals and opponents of Abane, Bennabi, he has never met, only played him a position in the direction of the national liberation struggle and was interested in him that incidentally, as part of a thesis on the revolutionary process in history. It is not a man grows by lowering another and I would not fall into the trap that I denounce. This is two great figures of the twentieth century Algeria, one in the register of universal thought, the other in revolutionary action. Moreover Bennabi does not need anyone to be grown up, his work making it widely for him. I know since the early 1970s judgments Bennabi on the Algerian Revolution and its leaders since he came to speak in his seminars, home. Then in his twenties, I was shocked by what I was learning as must the post-independence generations who are shocked and traumatized by what they hear throughout the year about the history of their . revolution, tainted by the hand of treason charges and other assassinations and having mobile seizing power in writing the work of Bennabi is ample; abundant in this production, one paragraph of four or five lines according to the book format was spent Abane Ramdane (along with George Habash) to illustrate an argument on the Algerian and Palestinian revolutionary process. This paragraph is in his book “The ideas of the problem in Muslim society” appeared for the first time in Arabic in Cairo in 1970. It was at my initiative and with a preface by me that he came out for the first time in French in 1991. and it does not include the paragraph speaks of Bennabi Abane Ramdane and George Habash because I took on me, without consulting anyone, to “censor” this passage. Why ?Because I felt that the leaders of the caliber of Abane Habash and could not be considered as lapidary and because it was obvious to me that this withdrawal does not harm his thinking. What has been said in Bennabi his “Memoirs” or unpublished Abane Ramdane, Larbi Tbessi, Ferhat Abbas, Moufdi Zakaria, Lamine Debaghine and many others is nothing compared to the value and scope of his work. He’s right or wrong, that his assessments about men without merit, confirmed or refuted, are another matter. It is up to history to judge each other through the evidence, the investigations of historians and archives which, sooner or later, will be opened to researchers. The field of thought is one thing, the quarrels of the author and the social and political environment to another. Bennabi had certainly with the leaders of the National Movement and later with leaders of the Revolution, but these differences do not add or subtracted anything to his thought and his work. This is not what history remembers him, that’s not what made ​​him famous in the world, it is not to his opinions on the Algerian Revolution and it is renowned it is not for her contribution in this area as hundreds of writings were devoted to him, and will become in the future. Larbi Tbessi has been imprisoned and died in the Revolution martyr; Bashir al-Ibrahimi was locked in colonial jails, put under house arrest and exile; Abane Ramdane fled Algeria not to fall into the hands of the enemy but was eventually strangled by those of his brothers; Ferhat Abbas was imprisoned multiple times and silenced by independent Algeria … All these great figures have served their country according to their notion of things, with their means, their qualities and also their weaknesses. Human, Bennabi could be free of defects and had his own but they were outweighed by his righteousness and his genius.Bennabi did not take the gun and did not fire a single shot against the enemy.Abane either, any more than the overwhelming majority of those who led the Revolution and the country since independence. He took the pen from beginning to end of his life and for the glory of Algerian thinking he is the best known representative in the world, we know it or not, whether we admit it or not. I say “thought”, not literature. Independence was gained after seven years of war but exactly thirty years after another war between Algerians opened which lasted longer than the Revolution. This means that what has dedicated Bennabi was no less brave or critical that the revolutionary act to liberate the country. To conduct a physical, armed struggle, whose aim is the liberation of the country or the establishment of an “Islamic State”, there are always enough people. But centuries and millennia may pass without a people will give birth to a single thinker. In his Notebooks face that thought he said it was set in stone at the Viceroy’s palace pediment in Delhi: “Freedom does not descend to a people; a people must rise up to freedom. “It’s the other one believed in Algeria. It is these ideas that thought, this work should be taught and spread to educate citizens, provide them with accurate representations, make them aware of the prerequisites a civilization of work and, ultimately, immunize against quackery and nihilism. Taken by tasks called nation building, snapped up by supposedly progressive ideas, the Algerian State has despised and scorned the thought. Consequences: misconceptions defeated what was done under the country’s liberation or “nation building”. [1] “Shahid ala ightial ath-thawra” ( “Testimony about the murder of the Revolution”) Ed El-Umma, 2000. Algiers. [2] saad dahlab. “Mission accomplished,” Ed Dahlab, Algiers 1990. [3] Member of the representation of the FLN in Lebanon Allawa Amira is received at the seat of the GPRA in Cairo . Accused of making derogatory remarks against members of the GPRA, has an altercation with Ferhat Abbas that the slap. 48 hours later he was found dead near the seat of the GPRA. Egyptian police who opened an investigation discovered in his briefcase ( “between the pages of my book” The Afro-Asianism “Bennabi wrote in his diary), she confiscates documents.[4] Benkhedda published these accounts for period when he was both president of the Provisional Government and Minister of Finance: “from 24 September 1961 to 30 June 1962, the Provisional Government has provided to various departments of the FLN and ALN $ 12 billion. The distribution of this amount was made ​​in the following proportions: General Staff: 45.81% Ministry of armament and general links (MALG): 25% Ministry of Interior: 16% The wilayas: 7 30% Ministry of Foreign Affairs: 1.95% Ministry of information: 0.80% Chairman of the Provisional Government: 0.20% Regarding the famous “Treasury FLN” Benkhedda writes: “When the Politburo took GPRA’s estate in August 1962, the responsibility of Finance was held by the general secretary and treasurer of the FLN, Mohamed Khider, following an order given by myself to individual banks responsible for financial operations of the GPRA. Khider then disposed of the assets deposited in Swiss and other banks, valued at nearly six billion francs of which 4.7 in hard currency “(cf. Benyoucef Benkhedda:” Algeria’s independence: the 1962 crisis ” . Ed. Dahlab, Algiers 1997). Khider was murdered January 3, 1967 in Madrid. [5] See Saadi Yacef: “The Battle of Algiers”, T.3, Ed Casbah, Algiers 1997. [6] Cf. Benyoucef Benkhedda “Algeria independence: the 1962 crisis. ” [7] F.Abbas:” independence confiscated “, Ed Flammarion, Paris 1984. [8] Cf. Amar Hamdani:” Krim Belkacem, the lion djebels ” Ed Balland, 1973. Paris. [9] in particular: saad dahlab, Benyoucef Benkhedda, Ferhat Abbas and B.Stora Z.Daoud Amar Hamdani and Saadi Yacef. [10] Cf. “Abane Ramdane, a life for Algeria “Ed. K.Mameri, Algiers, 1996. “It formed a political and military bureaucracy cut off from inside and daily realities that opened the way to careerism, opportunism, nepotism and which dates back to the output of CEC 1957 a fateful decision … it is this device forged outside who will take power in 1962 and confiscated the Revolution to his advantage. Much as the GPRA, the general staff sitting outside was an aberration.The NLA has been divided into two: that of the two borders and the inside, separated from the other by Morrice online [6]. ” When members of the external delegation of FLN in Cairo receive minutes and resolutions of the Congress of Soummam, they realize that they have been excluded from the revolution direction.They against-attacked by accusing the Congress of not being representative and having “undermined the Islamic nature of future political institutions” and rejecting its decisions. As for the composition of the CEC, they reject the appointment of Benkhedda and Dahlab, former “centralists”. The initiator of the Congress, Abane Ramdane, is severely criticized. We think he wants to take power and rule “historical” and heads outside. The meeting in Cairo in August 1957 CNRA cancels decisions of Soummam; a new CEC is appointed 9 members; Abane is marginalized: he was entrusted with the management of the newspaper “El Moudjahid”. On December 27, 1957, somewhere in Tetouan, Morocco, Ramdane Abane, caught in an ambush, was assassinated. Later, Ferhat Abbas will put the murder on behalf of “the hatred that illiterate vowed to those who could read and write. Jealousy and envy were the two diseases of the Algerian insurrection … During its history, the Maghreb has always decapitated society by removing its elites to start over. This is why it has stagnated never progress. “[7] Before being killed, Abane was tried in absentia, according to the testimony of Krim Belkacem.The charge against him was of engaging in a divisive work and conspiring with a commander of the NLA to overthrow the new CEC. [8] Abane were Marxists and secular ideas and did not hiding. It was difficult character, brittle, authoritarian, dismissive. That all those who have written about him confirm it. [9] The diplomat tells Khalfa Mameri by the very difficult retail menu relations Abane had most of the leaders, starting with the one who recruited PPP omar oussedik, who was appointed head of Algiers, Krim Belkacem (he once publicly called a “aghioul” (donkey)), members of the delegation outside (especially Ben Bella he accused of being a “traitor”) and colonels of the Revolution (Boussouf, Boumediene Bentobbal, Amir, happened to him to call “rogue”). He thought he was the most qualified to lead the Revolution, which sparked among other contenders a terrible distrust of him. Mameri does not hesitate to dwell on the gray areas of his life that have just served to fuel the terrible accusation which weighed on him. [10] Saad dahlab who was very close to Abane and to whom he owed ​​his political rise writes. “He put us often fait accompli … Nothing more irritated Krim and Ben M’hidi than seeing” play head ” It a few years ago, the name of Malek Bennabi was involved in a book on Abane Ramdane a quarrel in which he has nothing to do, as he had nothing to do in the gallery adorning the book cover in question which appear Ahmed Ben Bella and Ali Kafi. If these figures were actually rivals and opponents of Abane, Bennabi, he has never met, only played him a position in the direction of the national liberation struggle and was interested in him that incidentally, as part of a thesis on the revolutionary process in history. It is not a man grows by lowering another and I would not fall into the trap that I denounce. This is two great figures of the twentieth century Algeria, one in the register of universal thought, the other in revolutionary action. Moreover Bennabi does not need anyone to be grown up, his work making it widely for him. I know since the early 1970s judgments Bennabi on the Algerian Revolution and its leaders since he came to speak in his seminars, home. Then in his twenties, I was shocked by what I was learning as must the post-independence generations who are shocked and traumatized by what they hear throughout the year about the history of their . revolution, tainted by the hand of treason charges and other assassinations and having mobile seizing power in writing the work of Bennabi is ample; abundant in this production, one paragraph of four or five lines according to the book format was spent Abane Ramdane (along with George Habash) to illustrate an argument on the Algerian and Palestinian revolutionary process. This paragraph is in his book “The ideas of the problem in Muslim society” appeared for the first time in Arabic in Cairo in 1970. It was at my initiative and with a preface by me that he came out for the first time in French in 1991. and it does not include the paragraph speaks of Bennabi Abane Ramdane and George Habash because I took on me, without consulting anyone, to “censor” this passage. Why ?Because I felt that the leaders of the caliber of Abane Habash and could not be considered as lapidary and because it was obvious to me that this withdrawal does not harm his thinking. What has been said in Bennabi his “Memoirs” or unpublished Abane Ramdane, Larbi Tbessi, Ferhat Abbas, Moufdi Zakaria, Lamine Debaghine and many others is nothing compared to the value and scope of his work. He’s right or wrong, that his assessments about men without merit, confirmed or refuted, are another matter. It is up to history to judge each other through the evidence, the investigations of historians and archives which, sooner or later, will be opened to researchers. The field of thought is one thing, the quarrels of the author and the social and political environment to another. Bennabi had certainly with the leaders of the National Movement and later with leaders of the Revolution, but these differences do not add or subtracted anything to his thought and his work. This is not what history remembers him, that’s not what made ​​him famous in the world, it is not to his opinions on the Algerian Revolution and it is renowned it is not for her contribution in this area as hundreds of writings were devoted to him, and will become in the future. Larbi Tbessi has been imprisoned and died in the Revolution martyr; Bashir al-Ibrahimi was locked in colonial jails, put under house arrest and exile; Abane Ramdane fled Algeria not to fall into the hands of the enemy but was eventually strangled by those of his brothers; Ferhat Abbas was imprisoned multiple times and silenced by independent Algeria … All these great figures have served their country according to their notion of things, with their means, their qualities and also their weaknesses. Human, Bennabi could be free of defects and had his own but they were outweighed by his righteousness and his genius.Bennabi did not take the gun and did not fire a single shot against the enemy.Abane either, any more than the overwhelming majority of those who led the Revolution and the country since independence. He took the pen from beginning to end of his life and for the glory of Algerian thinking he is the best known representative in the world, we know it or not, whether we admit it or not. I say “thought”, not literature. Independence was gained after seven years of war but exactly thirty years after another war between Algerians opened which lasted longer than the Revolution. This means that what has dedicated Bennabi was no less brave or critical that the revolutionary act to liberate the country. To conduct a physical, armed struggle, whose aim is the liberation of the country or the establishment of an “Islamic State”, there are always enough people. But centuries and millennia may pass without a people will give birth to a single thinker. In his Notebooks face that thought he said it was set in stone at the Viceroy’s palace pediment in Delhi: “Freedom does not descend to a people; a people must rise up to freedom. “It’s the other one believed in Algeria. It is these ideas that thought, this work should be taught and spread to educate citizens, provide them with accurate representations, make them aware of the prerequisites a civilization of work and, ultimately, immunize against quackery and nihilism. Taken by tasks called nation building, snapped up by supposedly progressive ideas, the Algerian State has despised and scorned the thought. Consequences: misconceptions defeated what was done under the country’s liberation or “nation building”. [1] “Shahid ala ightial ath-thawra” ( “Testimony about the murder of the Revolution”) Ed El-Umma, 2000. Algiers. [2] saad dahlab. “Mission accomplished,” Ed Dahlab, Algiers 1990. [3] Member of the representation of the FLN in Lebanon Allawa Amira is received at the seat of the GPRA in Cairo . Accused of making derogatory remarks against members of the GPRA, has an altercation with Ferhat Abbas that the slap. 48 hours later he was found dead near the seat of the GPRA. Egyptian police who opened an investigation discovered in his briefcase ( “between the pages of my book” The Afro-Asianism “Bennabi wrote in his diary), she confiscates documents.[4] Benkhedda published these accounts for period when he was both president of the Provisional Government and Minister of Finance: “from 24 September 1961 to 30 June 1962, the Provisional Government has provided to various departments of the FLN and ALN $ 12 billion. The distribution of this amount was made ​​in the following proportions: General Staff: 45.81% Ministry of armament and general links (MALG): 25% Ministry of Interior: 16% The wilayas: 7 30% Ministry of Foreign Affairs: 1.95% Ministry of information: 0.80% Chairman of the Provisional Government: 0.20% Regarding the famous “Treasury FLN” Benkhedda writes: “When the Politburo took GPRA’s estate in August 1962, the responsibility of Finance was held by the general secretary and treasurer of the FLN, Mohamed Khider, following an order given by myself to individual banks responsible for financial operations of the GPRA. Khider then disposed of the assets deposited in Swiss and other banks, valued at nearly six billion francs of which 4.7 in hard currency “(cf. Benyoucef Benkhedda:” Algeria’s independence: the 1962 crisis ” . Ed. Dahlab, Algiers 1997). Khider was murdered January 3, 1967 in Madrid. [5] See Saadi Yacef: “The Battle of Algiers”, T.3, Ed Casbah, Algiers 1997. [6] Cf. Benyoucef Benkhedda “Algeria independence: the 1962 crisis. ” [7] F.Abbas:” independence confiscated “, Ed Flammarion, Paris 1984. [8] Cf. Amar Hamdani:” Krim Belkacem, the lion djebels ” Ed Balland, 1973. Paris. [9] in particular: saad dahlab, Benyoucef Benkhedda, Ferhat Abbas and B.Stora Z.Daoud Amar Hamdani and Saadi Yacef. [10] Cf. “Abane Ramdane, a life for Algeria “Ed. K.Mameri, Algiers, 1996.

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